History & Humanity: An Armenian Perspective of the Implications of Sudan’s Descent into Civil War

Our Story Etched in History

Sudan’s rapid and brutal descent into civil war shows no sign of abating. The violence has assumed a worrying ethnic and tribal dimension, feeding into longstanding tensions between the capital, Khartoum, and its periphery.  The country’s unravelling struck a bitter personal chord in recent weeks following reports that two Armenian sisters, Zvart and Arpi Yegavian, had died at their home in Khartoum. Zvart was a childhood friend of my late mother, whose death symbolises the decimation of a once vibrant Armenian community in Africa’s third largest country by population. There are conflicting reports as to whether they were killed by RSF fighters or starved to death.

The decision by RSF fighters not to release their bodies - denying them an Armenian Christian burial – has further fuelled concerns. Zvart was the primary caregiver to her severely disabled sister and had refused safe passage out of Khartoum without assurances that her sister would accompany her.

Armenia Meets Sudan

Zvart’s father, Karnig Yegavian, was part of the original wave of Armenian immigrants, who had sought refuge and sanctuary in Sudan following the Armenian genocide of 1915. From Al Kamlin to Malakal, in South Sudan, Armenians set roots in some of the most inhospitable parts of the country, only gradually moving to Omdurman, Sudan’s second largest city – and eventually to the capital Khartoum.

Through tenacity and resilience, the Armenian community became an integral part of Sudan’s fabric. Armenians were allowed to practice their faith and cultural traditions largely unhindered. In its hey-day, the Armenian club in Khartoum was the epicentre of a vibrant and sometimes raucous display of parties and performances. Alongside, the church and schools remained the constant pillars of sanctuary and solace for a people still reeling from the harrowing experience of genocide.

Military Coups and Counter-coups

The wave of Armenians leaving Sudan, mainly for Australia and the US, became a tsunami following the 1989 military coup which catapulted Omar al Bashir to power. Aligned with and ideologically beholden to Hassan al Turabi of the Muslim Brotherhood, Bashir initiated a policy of divide and rule, which weakened Sudan’s already fragile national institutions. The Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and its leader, Mohammed Hamdan Dagalo, better known as Hamedti, are a direct by-product of Bashir’s divide and rule strategy.

Fearful of internal dissent, Bashir cultivated competing spheres of influence. These rivalries also reawakened dormant tribal and ethnic tensions between Khartoum and nomadic tribes in Sudan’s periphery. The brutality shown by government-aligned militiamen, the Janjaweed horsemen, underscored the methods Bashir was willing to utilise, in his quest to suppress internal dissent.

By 2009, Sudan’s once-rich tapestry was replaced by a headlong rush towards authoritarianism rendering the country exposed and vulnerable. And now, Khartoum is in a state of anarchy and lawlessness – the breakdown in security in the capital has fuelled widespread looting and lawlessness with homes, businesses and embassies being widely targeted. This is a far cry from the vibrant reality and inclusivity which, despite recent events, remains a defining characteristic of Sudan and the Sudanese people.  

*Photo by Ahmed Babiker on Unsplash

 Written by Anoushka Kurkjian, MENA Director, Songhai Advisory.

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